Featured themes

A selection of common themes in Irish placenames. These short, informative pieces are published on an ongoing basis.

Page 1 of 16 next

Confusion reigns! (Part II)
The strange derivation of English Johnstown from Baile Eoin, Baile Sheáin, Baile Sheoin, Baile Sheonac, Baile Sheonóid and Baile an tSeánaigh!

Date: 06/07/2026

Continuing on last week’s theme of the names Eoin, Seán and Seon in townland names, all of which in some way have a loose, though not always direct, connection with the English name John, we can continue our discussion with diminutive forms of that name as they appear in townland names.

One such diminutive is Johnin, which is found in the English name of the townland Johninstown (logainm.ie #25464) in Co. Kildare. (We will come to the Irish name of the townland presently.) Johnin was generally gaelicized as Seoinín but unlike Seán, from Anglo-Norman Jehan, neither Seoinín nor indeed Seon itself appear to have become popular among the Gaelic Irish. On the other hand, the gaelicized Anglo-Normans (or ‘Old English’) continued to use both Seon and Seoinín in Irish, as is clear, for example, from Dubhaltach Mac Fhirbhisigh’s 17th-century compilation of Irish genealogies (see Ó Muraíle (ed.) Leabhar Mór na nGenealach vol. 5, index). Thus, evidence for Seon and its diminutive Seoinín in townland names is generally found in areas where there was substantial Anglo-Norman settlement followed by gaelicization when the descendants of the settlers adopted the Irish language: examples include Ruthstown / Baile Sheoin Rua ‘the townland of Seon Rua’ (logainm.ie #26975) in Co. Kilkenny (in which Rua is the local Irish form of the Anglo-Norman surname Ruth: cf. ‘Johnroothston’ 1613); and Farranshone / Fearann Seoin ‘the land of Seon’ (logainm.ie #30471; #30587) in Co. Limerick. Johnstown in Co. Louth (logainm.ie #33579) was recorded locally as ‘Baile seón’ [Baile Sheoin] during the course of the Ordnance Survey, and the historical evidence for Johnstown (#52633) near Bunclody in Co. Wexford also reflects derivation from Baile Sheoin (see Logainmneacha na hÉireann IV, p. 1078).

Further examples of the diminutive Seoinín (< Eng. Johnin) include Baile Mhic Sheoinín ‘the town(land) of the son of Seoinín’ anglicized as Ballymacshoneen in Cos. Wexford (logainm.ie #54110) and Cork (logainm.ie #8939), while Baile Sheoinín ‘the town(land) of Seoinín’ is the forerunner to Ballyshoneen in Cos. Cork (logainm.ie #9206; #9436), Limerick (logainm.ie #32413) and Waterford (logainm.ie #50402), as well as Ballyjennings in Co. Mayo (logainm.ie #35038). Seoinín is also found in Clonmacshane / Cloch Mhic Sheoinín ‘the stone (structure) of the son of Seoinín’ (logainm.ie #3534) in Co. Carlow; Graigueshoneen / Gráig Sheoinín ‘the hamlet of Seoinín’ (logainm.ie #49783) and Farranshoneen / Fearann tSeoinín ‘the land of Seoinín’ (logainm.ie #50301) in Co. Waterford; along with Lackenshoneen / Leacain tSeoinín ‘the hillside of Seoinín’ (logainm.ie #9357) in Co. Cork.

It is interesting to note that the name Seoinín later became a derogatory term both in Irish and in Hiberno-English (Shoneen) for a person who tended to mimic English culture (“a shoneen, a jackeen or johnnie, an aper of foreign ways…” Dinneen s.v. Seoinín). This pejorative usage is further evidence that Seoinín, unlike the name Seán, never actually became popular among the Gaelic Irish of native descent.

A different diminutive of John is found in the underlying form of the English townland name Jonastown (logainm.ie #54013) in south Co. Wexford, earlier attested as ‘Ionokeston’ (1540–1), ‘Jonickstown’ (1577), ‘Johnnockstown’ (1622), and so on. These earlier forms of the name clearly reflect an underlying Johnock+’s+town. In fact the name Johnock seems to have been very common in Ireland and its gaelicized forms Seonac or Seonag are found in quite a few placenames: see for example Ballyshonickbane / Baile Sheoinic Bháin ‘the town(land) of white(-haired) Seonac’ (logainm.ie #32243) in Co. Limerick; Farran / Fearann Mhic Sheoinic ‘the land of the son of Seoineac’ (logainm.ie #8891) in Co. Cork (in which Seoineac is a variant of Seonac with palatalized/slender -n-); Sapperton / Baile Mhic Sheonaic ‘the town(land) of the son of Seonac’ (logainm.ie #50160) in Co. Waterford (‘Sappertown alias BallimcShonick’ (1735)); Ballyshonock / Baile Sheonaic ‘the town(land) of Seonac’ (logainm.ie #49829; #52627) in Cos. Waterford and Wexford. The Irish forerunner to Ballyshonock (logainm.ie #12793) and Ballyhonock (logainm.ie #13666) in Co. Cork appears to be Baile Sheonac, with an uninflected genitive Sheonac.

The townland name Johnstown (logainm.ie #55501) near Arklow, Co. Wicklow, also turns out to derive not from *Baile Sheáin or *Baile Sheoin, but from Baile Sheonac. The earliest historical evidence, e.g. ‘Bally[s]onicke’ (1620) and ‘Ballyshanoge’ (1715), indicate that the qualifying personal name was still understood in the English tradition to have been connected with John (‘Johnstown’ 1668, 1724, etc.).

Townland names containing the name Seonac also seem confined to areas colonized by the Anglo-Normans and then later gaelicized, which might on the face of it imply that the name never became very popular among those of native Gaelic Irish stock. However, some examples of the name do occur among that group in Irish genealogical tracts, and it would appear, therefore, that unlike Seoinín the name Seonac was not solely confined to the gaelicized Anglo-Normans or ‘Old English’.

Hopefully the above information has gone some way to explaining why, in Irish placenames, the English name John is equated not only with Eoin but also with the separate but not entirely unrelated names Seán, Seon, Seoinín and Seonac. We can now to turn our sights on another curious subset of placenames which contain John(’s)- in their English forms but have no connection to any of the aforementioned Irish personal names: these are Johnstown in the civil parish of Kilmichael in Co. Cork, Saint Johnstown in Co. Tipperary and Johnstown near Kells in Co. Meath.

In Co. Cork, the English name Johnstown (logainm.ie #9793) appears to have arisen as a result of the misinterpretation of the Irish name of the place, Cill Sheanaigh (earlier Cill tSeanaigh) ‘the church of Seanach’. The eponym was Seanach, whose name – borne by numerous clerics in the Irish church – seems to have been interpreted as being in some way related to English John. In Co. Tipperary, Baile an tSeánaigh (‘Ballentane’ 1601, ‘Baile an t-seána’ 1840), the somewhat unusual Irish name for the townland called Saint Johnstown (logainm.ie #47647) in English, does not contain a personal name at all. Baile an tSeánaigh means ‘the town(land) of An Seánach’, in which An Seánach signifies ‘the person surnamed Saint John’. That surname is attested in connection with the townland in early references, e.g. ‘John de Sancto Johanne of Scadaneston’ (*Scaddanstown being a historical alias of the place).

There is a Johnstown (#38191) near Kells in Co. Meath which the local Irish speakers called ‘Baile sheonoid’ [Baile Sheonóid] (1836). The personal name Seonó(i)d is a gaelicized form of the Middle English name Jonot — yet another diminutive of John! — now more commonly found in English as the surname and feminine personal name Janet (see P. Hanks, R. Coates, P. McClure: Oxford Dictionary of Family Names in Britain and Ireland). Again, however, it appears that to English-speakers, the underlying relationship with the name John was clearly understood — the English name of this townland is realized as Johnstown, et var., throughout the historical record. Indeed, the only evidence for the original underlying form *Jonotstown is provided by the local Irish version recorded in 1836. It is worth pointing out that this is in direct contrast to the evidence for Johninstown (logainm.ie #25464) in Co. Kildare, mentioned above. In that case, the overwhelming majority of the historical forms, as well as the modern form of the placename in English, reflect the name Johnin. Only the earliest surviving reference to the English name, ‘Johnston’ (1540), points to John. It is noteworthy, therefore, that although Johninstown had been firmly established in the English-language tradition since the beginning of the seventeenth century (‘Jeninstown’ 1621), a local Irish speaker consulted in 1837 called the place ‘baile sheoin’ [Baile Sheoin] rather than the anticipated *Baile Sheoinín. Remarkably, this seemingly anomalous form is in fact supported by the solitary surviving transliterated reference to the Irish name in the historical record, ‘Ballyshean’ 1563.)

As we won’t be widening our net to include placenames containing any of the more distant cousins of John (Jack, Jackett, Jackson, Jackman…) this just leaves us with Saint Johnstown / Baile Suingean (logainm.ie #1416625) in Co. Donegal — but the explanation of that one will have to wait for another day.

(Conchubhar Ó Crualaoich & Aindí Mac Giolla Chomhghaill)

Placenames and floods: a red flag for planners, a boon for rewetting! (Part I)
Clonederalaw / Cluain idir Dhá Lá
(“the pasture, (wet) meadow between two marshes”)
logainm.ie #
6909

Date: 01/07/2026

Fiontar & Scoil na Gaeilge in DCU will hold an interesting workshop on Thursday July 23, entitled ‘Placenames and Ecology in the European Context’, to coincide with Ireland’s Presidency of the Council of the European Union from July 1 to December 31, 2026. Discussion will include placenames referring to extinct or altered ecosystems – woodlands, bogs, etc; the role of language and placename heritage in the light of climate change; evidence in placenames for climate change or changes in usage; evidence for historical distribution of animals and plants; references to soil formations / geology and use of this evidence in contemporary contexts, such as ecology education, species restoration, rewilding, flood protection and rewetting, etc.

In regard to the final two themes mentioned above, i.e. ‘flood protection’ and ‘rewetting’, placenames doubtless often provide us with a lead as to an area’s suitability for rewetting or its inclination to flood. This is true throughout Europe, particularly where the same language has been spoken over many centuries, i.e. older placenames can often straightforwardly reflect topography prior to eighteenth-, nineteenth-, and even twentieth-century drainage. Thus, most speakers of southern German dialects will readily understand why places such as Murnau, Landau and Mainau often feature in news reports as having suffered floods during times of heavy rain ─ the final element in those placenames, namely Au, signifies a “floodplain” and “meadow” in southern dialects. Floodplains, despite their inherent fertility, are often problematic for tillage due to their tendency to be overwhelmed during heavy rains, whence their frequent sole use as meadows or pasture in the early period. Only last August (2025) Reichenau in Lake Constance, the probable location for the composition of the famous 9th-century Irish poem Mise agus Pangur Bán, suffered considerable flooding after extensive rain (see: thw.de BW). This should not be unexpected given the meaning of that placename (‘Richen Owe’ 1270; see: Reichenau: Ortslexicon), i.e. “(the) noble (rich) flood plain”. Similarly, English speakers should not be surprised to hear of flooding in Titchmarsh in England in January 2024, given that marsh is still used and understood as an area of wetland in that language (see: Titchmarsh flooding). Thus, for planners in primarily Anglophone countries it is patently obvious that one should take great care in assessing applications for development in areas that contain marsh in their name. It is for that reason that one should not be surprised to hear of severe flooding in housing estates at Marshes Lower (logainm.ie #33954) and Marsh South (logainm.ie #33953) in Dundalk in 2026 (see: dundalkleader.com). In fact most of the buildings in these particular townlands appear to be built on marine deposits, either estuarine sediments or marine sands and gravels (see: EPAMaps). Notably, the local Irish name ‘méirsi’ [méirsí], doubtless borrowed from Middle English mersche “marsh” (see: A Concise Dictionary of Middle English), as found in a reference to neighbouring Marsh North / An Méirse Thuaidh (see logainm.ie #33952), was explained in 1836 by John O’Donovan as ‘méirsi, a name given to pasture land on which the tide comes in’ (Ordnance Survey Parish Name Book). Subsequent events have proved O’Donovan’s explanation of the name only too accurate.

As we know, however, languages change over time. Even in countries such as England, where a relatively stable linguistic situation has prevailed over the last thousand years (excluding Cornwall, of course), many of the words in placenames referring to wetlands and flood plains are no longer understood in the vernacular. Therefore the meaning of the placenames in which they occur can often only be elucidated through research. Moreover, in countries where there has been a major language shift in more recent times the information provided by placenames can be even more difficult to obtain. This is true, not only in many European countries where there were huge population movements with resultant language shifts, particularly after WWII, but in particular in all countries with indigenous Celtic languages, where there has been an almost total replacement of these languages by English – or, in the case of Brittany, French – in the last two centuries. It is for that reason that the majority of townland names (c. 60,000) in Ireland are utterly meaningless in their English form, as most are, in fact, no more than anglicized phonetic approximations of Irish placenames. For example, Clonderalaw (logainm.ie #6909) in County Clare is utterly meaningless in its anglicized form, but the underlying Irish name, Cluain idir Dhá Lá, brings its meaning to full light, i.e. “the pasture, (wet) meadow between two marshes” ( < Middle Irish loth (var. lath), see dil.ie s.v. loth “mud, mire: quagmire, marsh”). The marshes in question, no doubt, are the two areas of marine sediment that bound this townland east and west. Notably, these are marked as Liable to Floods on the Ordnance Survey (OS) 6ʺ map (first edition). This same pattern, in which the meaning of a townland name only comes to light through determination of the underlying Irish name is repeated tens of thousands of times in Ireland.

The situation outlined above clearly demonstrates a necessity for the study of townland and other placenames of Irish origin, not only in a broader historical, genealogical, cultural and linguistic context, but also in an ecological context. The last theme is particularly relevant given that Ireland’s traditional pattern of dispersed settlement has resulted in the names of an extraordinary number of townlands (Ireland’s smallest administrative unit) referring, not specifically to human settlements (villages, towns) as would be the case in much of Europe, but to topographic features within the townland itself. Significantly, many of these feature references to wetlands of different types, e.g.

  • boglach / bogach ‘a place abounding in soft boggy ground’; bogán ‘soft ground’
  • caochán ‘marsh rill; boghole’; caorán ‘moor’; caoth ‘boghole, swamp-hole’; corcach ‘marsh’;  criathrach ‘(pitted) bog’; curchas ‘reedy marsh; riverside meadow’; currach ‘wet bog, marsh’
  • eanach ‘marsh, swamp, fen’
  • feadán ‘watercourse; gully’; féith ‘swamp, marsh’’
  • gaoth ‘stream; estuary’; gaothlach ‘marsh, swamp’; greallach ‘mire, puddly ground’
  • inis (var. inse) ‘island; holm, water-meadow’
  • ‘quagmire, marsh’; léana ‘low-lying grassy place, water-meadow’; loch ‘lake, sea-inlet’; luachair ‘rushes; rushland, rushy place’
  • móin ‘peat bog, bogland (not always peat bog)’; moing ‘over-grown swamp, mossy fen’; mongán ‘overgrown swamp, overgrown stream’
  • portach ‘peat-bog (literally: ‘place of embankments’)’
  • riasc ‘marsh, bogland, moor’
  • seascann ‘sedgy bog, marsh’; slapa (slaba) ‘slob, mud, ooze’; slaprach ‘wet, soggy, land’
  • tonnach ‘quaking bog, quagmire’; and turlach ‘winter lake; mere; marsh’

Moreover, some of these terms are exceedingly common in Irish townland names, e.g. móin ‘peat bog; bogland (not always peat bog)’, even in what might now be considered prime agricultural areas where the placename elements in question must reflect an earlier landscape prior to widespread drainage and land ‘improvements’; they are fossils of times past. Additionally, we also have a number of placename elements that are not understood to refer directly to wet land in Irish, but there is an indirect implication of wet land in their use. For example, imleach (see dil.ie s.v. imlech) , a reasonably common element in placenames, doesn’t itself refer to wetland but to ‘land bordering on a lake or marsh’. Similarly, the exceedingly common element buaile ‘boley, seasonal pasture; milking-place in summer pasturage; yard, enclosure’ (see dil.ie s.v. búaile; FGB s.v. buaile), does not in itself mean ‘wet land’ but the meaning ‘seasonal pasture’ clearly implies land only suitable for cattle (husbandry) at certain times of year. The nature of boolying was the movement of cattle onto land near one’s home when it became suitable – that is to say, dry enough – for grazing. Thus, we can see why placenames such as Ballinaboola / Baile na Buaile ‘the town(land) of the boley, summer pasture’ (logainm.ie #53514) in Co. Wexford and Ballynaboola / Baile na Buaile (logainm.ie #50334) in Co. Waterford might have received their names: both of these townlands are, to this very day, prone to extreme and long-lasting floods, and the reason can be seen clearly by reference to soil maps. Ballinaboola / Baile na Buaile in Co. Wexford, between New Ross and Wexford town, contains large areas of alluvial soil (i.e. flood-plain) as well as an area of lacustrine soil (i.e. a lake-bed) south of the N25 road, exactly where flood waters can remain for months after heavy rains, as occurred during the winter/spring of 2025/2026. It is clear that such land would only support grazing after an extended dry period.

image

(Subsoil map at Ballinaboola, County Wexford. Lacustrine soil marked with +: https://gis.epa.ie/EPAMaps/)

In the case of Ballynabola / Baile na Buaile in Co. Waterford, between Waterford city and Passage East, no lacustrine (lake-bed) soil is recorded, but there is a large area of alluvial soil (flood-plain), and this is found exactly where inundations occur on a yearly basis to this very day. It is of course true that many of the townlands containing buaile in their name may only feature small areas that are liable to flooding or remaining wet over long periods of time, but examples such as these clearly demonstrate that these townlands deserve extra attention when it comes to planning applications.

image

(Subsoil map of Ballynabola, County Waterford. Alluvial soil marked with +: https://gis.epa.ie/EPAMaps/)

An even more common element in Irish placenames that may often indirectly refer to wet land or land prone to flooding is cluain. This element features in over 1,500 townland names, and while it is generally translated as ‘pasture, meadow; glade’, Julius Pokorny traces the word back to Indo-European *klop-ni- (Indogermanisches etymologisches Woerterbuch, p.603), from the root *klep- meaning ‘feucht’, i.e., ‘damp’. Dr Pádraig Ó Cearbhaill, former Chief Placenames Officer at An Brainse Logainmneacha / the Placenames Branch, noted that the majority of townlands with cluain in their name in Co. Tipperary lie next to rivers and streams, while over half contain peat bog or wet land, and many others are situated next to bogs (see Logainmneacha na hÉireann III: Cluain i logainmneacha Co. Thiobraid Árann, pp. 17–19). In fact, only a tiny handful reflect none of these features (ibid.), which itself indicates that the word cluain may have over time developed the meaning of ‘meadow’ as secondary to an original ‘wet meadow’. Others have described cluain as a name ‘associated with those parts of Ireland where patches of dry ground alternate with bogs’, or meaning ‘a fertile clearing surrounded by an expanse of bog’ or ‘a fertile piece of land, or a green arable spot, surrounded or nearly surrounded by bog or marsh on one side, and water on the other’ (see ibid., 17). In any case, given the very fact that cluain is generally found next to a watercourse or bogland it should come as no surprise that many areas so named are liable to floods. Thus we see that two separate parts of the abovementioned Clonerdalaw / Cluain idir Dhá Lá ‘(the) pasture, (wet) meadow between two marshes’ in Co. Clare are marked Liable to Floods on the OS 6ʺ map. Similarly, a large portion of famous Clonmacnoise / Cluain Mhic Nóis (< Cluain Maccu Nóis ‘(the) pasture, (wet) meadow of (the tribe, kindred of Maccu Nóis’) in Co. Offaly is also marked as ‘Liable to Floods’ in winter months on the OS 25ʺ map. The town of Clonmel / Cluain Meala ‘(the) pasture (wet) meadow, of honey’ (logainm.ie # 67189) in Co. Tipperary is, of course, well-known for flooding events, but it is particularly notable that the likewise-named Clonmel / Cluain Meala (logainm.ie #41657) in Co. Offaly also lies next to a large area of land marked as Liable to Floods on the OS 25ʺ map, in neighbouring Ballygarrett / Baile Ghearóid ‘the town(land) of Gearóid’ (logainm.ie #41648). Another neighbouring townland, Clonbolloge / Cluain Bolg ‘(the) pasture, (wet) meadow of the Boilg; (the) pasture, (wet) meadow of gaps, of bumps’, not only bounds on the same area marked as liable to flooding, but a review of soil maps (see: EPAMaps) demonstrates that this area consists of alluvial soil (flood-plain) which extends into both Clonmel and Clonbulloge townlands (see below).

image

(Subsoil map of Clonmel, Ballygarrett and Clonbolloge, County Offaly Alluvial soil marked with +: https://gis.epa.ie/EPAMaps/)

Ominously, a housing estate, Figile Manor, has recently been built on this floodplain (c. 2005), but it is at least reassuring that the risk of flooding here has evidently been recognized, and according to a recent risk assessment flooding may be largely restricted to green areas of the estate (Strategic Flood Risk Assessment: Co. Offaly); time will tell! Be that as it may, neither the placenames Cluain Bolg or Cluain Meala, nor the location of Figile Manor, appear to have raised any red flag for planners just over 20 years ago, which resulted in the regrettable situation that most of this estate is built on a flood plain which, unfortunately for its residents, is almost guaranteed to flood to some extent in the future. Notably, a brief internet search turned up scores of reports of flooding events in townlands where a number of the placename elements mentioned above are found, indicating that planners may be missing a trick by not systematically using such placename elements in their deliberations on the suitability of certain sites for development. Take for example:

  • Annagh / An tEanach “the marsh” (Co. Mayo) 2021 ‘Flooding at Annagh, Castlebar’ (The Connaught Telegraph)
  • Ballyboggan / Baile Bogáin “town(land) of (the) boggy ground” (Co. Dublin)
  • 2025 ‘A number of three recent past flood events occurred within or around the Masterplan boundary’ (Baile Bogáin Masterplan Strategic Flood Risk Assessment)
  • Cork / Corcaigh “marsh” (Co. Cork)
  • 2026 ‘There were some 292 floods reported over the period 1841-1988’ (AI)
  • Corkagh / Corcach “marsh” (Co. Dublin)
  • (2020) Council Minutes: ‘To ask the Chief Executive if the cause of the flooding that occurred near the Duck Ponds in Corkagh Park two weeks ago not dissipating quickly has been established and might same happen again?’ (Meetings: Southdublin.ie)
  • Clonlara / Cluain Lára “(the) pasture, (wet) meadow of (the) mare” (Co. Clare)
  • (2020) ‘Residents of Springfield, Clonlara … were moved from their homes and around 7,000 sandbags and pumping stations were delivered to ten houses in the village.’ (Irish Times)
  • Curragh / An Currach “the wet bog, marsh” (Co. Kildare)
  • (2018) ‘Roads through parts of the Curragh are also under water. ’ (kildarenow.com)
  • Grallagh / An Ghreallach “the mire; puddly ground” (Co. Wexford)
  • (2015) ‘Beef farmer … who lives in Grallagh, Co Wexford, said: ‘The farm and the roads around it are completely flooded.’ (Irish Farmers Journal)
  • Seskin / An Seisceann ‘the sedgy bog, marsh, swamp’ (Co. Kilkenny)
  • (2012) ‘Money for flood relief … at the Seskin Bridge in Lisdowney is included in the latest round of funding ...’ (kilkennypeople.ie)
  • Turlough / An Turlach “the winter lake” (Co. Mayo)
  • ‘The extensive, recurring groundwater floods that originate at turloughs also represent the primary form of groundwater flooding found in Ireland (Journal of Hydrology, November, 2012; see sciencedirect.com)

It seems, then, that the correlation between placenames containing elements of the type mentioned above and flooding events should make such Irish placename elements an exceedingly useful tool for planners and developers alike.
(To be continued next month.)

(Conchubhar Ó Crualaoich & Justin Ó Gliasáin)

A confusion of Johns (Part I)
Eng. Johnstown from Ir. Baile Eoin, Baile Sheáin, Baile Sheoin, Baile Sheonac, Baile Sheonóid or Baile an tSeánaigh!
(see logainm.ie)

Date: 25/06/2026

As we saw last week, Eoin (Baiste), the Irish name for Saint John (the Baptist), is a pre–Anglo-Norman borrowing from Latin Joannes (see Gaelic Personal Names, D. Ó Corráin & Fidelma Maguire (1981) s.n. Eoin; see also D. Greene, Ériu 35 (1984)). It would be tempting to consider the possibility, therefore, that an Irish-language placename such as Ballyowen / Baile Eoin ‘the town(land) of (Saint) John’ (logainm.ie #53384), near Wellingtonbridge in Co. Wexford, must predate the Anglo-Norman invasion. The eponym is certainly Eoin ‘(Saint) John’, rather than the similar sounding native Irish name Eoghan: the townland contains a holy well named Saint John’s Well, and Saint John was also the patron of the church of the parish, in the adjacent townland of Ballylannan (see Logainmneacha na hÉireann IV: Townland Names of Co. Wexford, p.387). Typologically, however, it would be extremely unusual to find the structure ‘baile + saint’s name’ in a townland name of Irish origin, in contrast to the corresponding formation ‘saint’s name + -town’ in English coinages. One such English example is Johnstown near Naas in Co. Kildare (logainm.ie #1181). The earliest references, such as ‘Joneston’ (c 1280), do not tell us much; however, this placename in fact derives from a church dedicated to Saint John the Baptist, as is clear from 17th-century references to ‘Ecclesia S. Joannis Baptistae’, ‘Ville Sancti Joannis’ on a list of Co. Kildare churches. Note also, in passing, that the generic element baile ‘town(land)’ itself only really began to flourish in the 12th century (see Toner, ‘Baile: settlement and landholding in medieval Ireland’, Éigse 34 (2004)).
With all this in mind, it is far more likely that anglicized Ballyowen in Co. Wexford represents an Irish placename of an early Anglo-Norman coinage *(Saint) Johnstown ‘the town(land) of (the church of) Saint John’. This part of Co. Wexford was heavily colonized after the invasion but, as happened throughout the country, Irish remained the vernacular of the natives and was soon adopted by the descendants of the early settlers themselves (see C. Ó Crualaoich & K. Whelan, Gaelic Wexford 1550 – 1650, forthcoming; see also C. Ó Crualaoich, ‘Some evidence in Tudor Fiants, Calendar of Patent Rolls and Inquisitions for Irish among families of Anglo-Norman descent in county Wexford between 1540 and 1640’, Studia Hibernica 34 (2006–2007), pp.85–110). The recommended official Irish version of the townland name is therefore Baile Eoin ‘the town(land) of Saint John’, in recognition of its association with the church of Saint John the Baptist (see Placenames (Co. Wexford) Order – Draft 2016).
Why, then, is it more usual to find Baile Sheáin ‘the town(land) of Seán’ as the Irish version of Johnstown elsewhere in the draft placenames order for Co. Wexford, and in the placenames orders for other counties? Furthermore, why is the Irish form of Johnstown (logainm.ie #55501) near Arklow in Co. Wicklow Baile Sheonac ‘the town(land) of Seonac’, while Johnstown (logainm.ie #33579) in Co. Louth is Baile Sheoin ‘the town(land) of Seon’? And there are further ‘inconsistencies’: the Irish name of Johnstown (logainm.ie #9793) in the civil parish of Kilmichael in Co. Cork is Cill Sheanaigh; Saint Johnstown (logainm.ie #47647) in Co. Tipperary is Baile an tSeánaigh; and Johnstown (logainm.ie #38191) southeast of Kells in Co. Meath is Baile Sheonóid.
Of course, as is often the case, the Irish forms only seem problematic when viewed from the point of view of their English names! To begin with, Eoin (as found in Eoin Baiste, ‘Saint John the Baptist’) is not the only possible Irish-language equivalent to the English name John. In fact, the Biblical origins of Eoin (< Lat. Joannes) are probably not very well known to Irish-speakers, such is the strength of the equivalence of Irish Seán and English John in modern usage. But even that equivalence is not straightforward: Irish Seán does not derive directly from the English name John at all, but from its Anglo-Norman equivalent Jehan (see Ó Corráin & Maguire, s.n. Seán). Like many other Anglo-Norman names adopted by the Gaelic Irish, Seán became so popular that the townland names in which it occurs are simply too numerous to list here. Seán (< AN Jehan) was subsequently anglicized (or, at a push, ‘re-anglicized’) as John, as is clear from late medieval and early modern English documents (e.g. ‘John alias Shane O’Doeran’ [Seán Ó Deoráin], Inq. Lag. Car. I 66), further cementing the equivalence Seán = John in modern Irish-language usage. For this reason, when no evidence happens to survive for the local Irish form of a placename containing John, the official name uses the standard Seán, as in JohnstownBaile Sheáin (logainm.ie #16671) in Co. Dublin.
However, in a number of cases, some very interesting evidence for the local Irish form of the placename does happen to come down to us. We will discuss some of this evidence next week, but not before making a brief mention of one of the more commonly occurring examples, Baile Sheoin ‘the town(land) of Seon’. Although listed as a variant of Seán (< AN Jehan) in some sources (e.g. Ó Corráin & Maguire, s.n. Seán), Seon – pronounced [ʃoːn] with a long o-vowel – is a direct Irish borrowing of Middle English John. For the most part, the two borrowings Seán and Seon were treated as very distinct names in Irish. (To be continued next week.)

(Conchubhar Ó Crualaoich & Aindí Mac Giolla Chomhghaill)

John the Baptist, Saint John’s Eve and the surname Malone (Ó Maoileoin)
Saint John’s / Teampall Eoin ‘the church of John the Baptist’
(see logainm.ie #
2147)

Date: 18/06/2026

A visitor to the Galway Gaeltacht at this time of the year might be struck by the sight of blazing bonfires on the night of 23rd June, the eve of St. John’s feast-day. In Ireland, these mid-summer fires appear to have been transferred from the ancient May festival of Bealtaine (see Kay Muhr, ‘Bealtaine in Irish and Scottish Place-Names’, Journal of Scottish Name Studies 10). It is notable that the saint celebrated on the night of 23rd/24th June, Saint John the Baptist – Eoin Baiste in Irish – does not feature in the Martyrology of Donegal (see Felire na Naomh nÉrennach), the 17th-century version of the ecclesiastical calendar of native saints. Note also that parishes dedicated to Saint John are found for the most part in areas heavily colonized by the Anglo-Normans. Witness Saint John’s / Paróiste Eoin in Cos. Dublin, Kildare, Kilkenny, Laois, Limerick, Wexford, and Waterford (see logainm.ie). The parish of Teach Eoin ‘Saint John’s (religious) house’ (logainm.ie #2112) in Co. Roscommon, called Saint John’s in English, can also be traced to Anglo-Norman settlement in the area, as can Teampall Eoin ‘Saint John’s church’ (logainm.ie #2147) in Sligo Town, and Templeowen / Teampall Eoin (logainm.ie #3548) at Tullow in Co. Carlow refers to a friary founded in 1314 by Simon Lumbard and Hugh Talun (see Historic Environment Viewer: CW008-045001).

Of the placenames commemorating this saint, the ones containing the element cill ‘church’ are perhaps the most interesting, such as the parish of Killone / Cill Eoin ‘the church of Saint John’ (logainm.ie #485) near Ennis in Co. Clare. The generic element cill ‘church, cell’ usually denotes an ecclesiastical site of some antiquity (see Pádraig Ó Cearbhaill, Logainmneacha na hÉireann II: Cill i logainmneacha Co. Thiobraid Árann (2007) lch.2), but the example in Co. Clare refers to an Augustian foundation that certainly post-dates the Anglo-Norman invasion. There are other attested examples of Cill Eoin ‘the church of Saint John’ in Cos. Cork, Down, Galway and Waterford, easily confused with the slightly more common Cill Eoghain ‘the church of Saint Eoghan’, commemorating a native saint. Note that these two placenames are homophonous in later Modern Irish and we are often reliant on secondary evidence, such as patron dates, to identify the original Irish precursor. (As to the official anglicized spellings, based on the information gathered by the Irish scholars at the Topographical Department, the Ordnance Survey standardized Cill Eoin to Killone and Cill Eoghain to Killowen wherever they could, but later research sometimes shows their analysis to have been incorrect.)

(Note in passing that the saint’s full title was used in the Irish name of the townland Baptistgrange / Gráinseach Eoin Baiste ‘the grange of John the Baptist’ (logainm.ie #47624) in Co. Tipperary: ‘grainseach Eóin Baiste’ (1840), another placename of probable Anglo-Norman origin.)

The proliferation of Anglo-Norman dedications does not necessarily mean that Saint John the Baptist was neglected by the Irish prior to the invasion. We have some good onomastic evidence to the contrary. Although omitted from the 17th-century martyrology mentioned above, we should note that Eoin (Saint John the Baptist) is mentioned in the earlier Irish calendars: ‘Ríg-gein Iohain baptaist…’ in The Martryology of Oengus the Culdee/Félire Óengusso Céili Dé [24th July, recte June]. (As mentioned before, Irish Eoin is a borrowing from Biblical Latin Joannes, in contrast to the later borrowings Seon and Seán from the Anglo-Normans, through English John and Norman French Jehan, respectively.) But of course a mere mention in the early calendar is not in itself evidence of an Irish cult of Saint John, as many other non-Irish saints who were never venerated in Ireland are included in the same source. Stronger evidence is found in the form of the surname Ó Maoileoin ‘descendant of the follower of St. John’ (now generally anglicized Malone). The significance is that the prefix Ó (Mid.Ir. Úa) ‘descendant of’ (originally meaning ‘grandson of’) was not productive in Irish surnames after the arrival of the Anglo-Normans. (Native surnames coined after the invasion use the prefix mac ‘descendant of’, originally ‘son of’, or no prefix at all, e.g. Mac Seáin [anglic. McShane], Caomhánach [anglic. Cavanagh/Kavanagh].) Therefore, the existence of the surname Ó Maoileoin ‘descendant of the follower of Saint John’ points to veneration of John the Baptist in Gaelic society before the arrival of the Anglo-Normans. The underlying personal name is of course Maoileoin [Mid.Ir. Mael Eóin] (cf. eDIL s.v. 3 Mael (c); cf. ‘Maoileoin, epscop acus angcoiri’ [Maoileoin, bishop and anchorite] in the Martyrology of Donegal (20th October)).

Woulfe also notes ‘a distinguished family of ecclesiastics of Clonmacnoise, of which several O’Malones were abbots and bishops’ (SGG s.v. Ó Maoileóin). Members of the Ó Maoileoin family also crop up as clerics in other places: they were undoubtedly active in the dioceses of Clonfert / Cluain Fearta, Killaloe / Cill Dálua and Tuam / Tuaim, with other possible examples (see Calendar of Papal Registers, passim). Some of these references mention papal dispensations given to the offspring of unions between a priest and an unmarried woman. As mentioned in previous notes, the frequency with which these types of dispensations were issued in Ireland implies that the office of priesthood within the Gaelic Church was regularly passed from father to son. This led to the creation of ‘clerical families’ which persisted in Ireland long after celibacy had become official policy in the rest of the Church. This tradition seems to have survived into the late medieval and early modern period, only coming to an end with the destruction of Gaelic society in the 16th and early 17th centuries. Take for instance a papal letter dated January 1412, concerning the promotion of a clerk, Donald Omulluyn [Dónall Ó Maoileoin] of the diocese of Killaloe, ‘to all, even holy orders and hold a benefice … of Castro Conayng’ [Castleconnell / Caisleán Uí Chonaill (logainm.ie #31374)]. This Donald / Dónall had only lately received papal dispensation as the son of a priest and an unmarried woman (Calendar of Papal Registers VI, pp.254–270). Another such dispensation was given to John Omuleoyn [Seán/Eoin(?) Ó Maoileoin], a priest of the diocese of Tuam, before he received a promotion to the rectory of ‘Magcarnan’ [Moycarn / Maigh Charnáin (logainm.ie #217)] in 1422 (Calendar of Papal Registers VII pp.228–229). The vacancy had arisen upon the death of one Maurianus Omuleoyn, and it is not impossible that this was John’s own father! (The Latinate form Maurianus/Marianus, which was popular enough among Irish clerics in the late medieval period, probably represents Irish Maolmhuire [Mid.Ir. Mael Muire] ‘follower of the Virgin Mary’ in this case. Note that it was also used to refer to Mairín Ó Briain (†1236), archbishop of Cashel (AIF anno 1238), whose Irish (religous) name is a direct diminutive of Muire [earlier Maire] ‘the Virgin Mary’.)

As we have mentioned in earlier notes, recent research has shown – somewhat counterintuitively – that native Irish surnames are not very common in Irish townland names. Those surnames that do occur generally refer to families with a professional pedigree – clerical, legal, literary, etc. – who received better terms of tenure than other Gaelic families. (See C. Ó Crualaoich, ‘Townland and Defunct Placenames in Sligo: Evidence for Surnames in the Historical Forms of Townland and other Placenames’ (Part I)’, in Sligo Field Club Journal, 3 (2017); (Part II), in Sligo Field Club Journal, 4 (2019).) Therefore it should come as no surprise that a surname with the ecclesiastical pedigree of Ó Maoileoin should be found in the townland names Ballyvelone in Co. Cork and Ballymalone in Co. Clare, both of which derive from Baile Uí Mhaoileoin ‘the town(land) of Ó Maoileoin’. It is likely that the families involved were granted those lands on the basis of their professional status.

(Conchubhar Ó Crualaoich & Aindí Mac Giolla Chomhghaill)

Loop Head / Ceann Léime “headland of (the) leap”
(see logainm.ie #
104201)

Date: 15/06/2026

The famous mythological hero Cú Chulainn we mentioned last week is not directly mentioned in the name of any townland in Ireland. However, he is commemorated in many non-administrative placenames. (We usually call these non-administrative placenames minor names even though they can include massive geographical features!)

The first of these minor placenames is the well-known headland in southwest Co. Clare known in English as Loop Head (logainm.ie #104201). The Irish name Ceann Léime “headland of (the) leap” (in reference to a chasm on the coastline) could still be heard from local native speakers well into the 20th century. However, the headland was also well known by the longer name, Léim Chon Culainn “the leap of Cú Chulainn”. One of the earliest attestations in Irish sources is found in the 11th-century Cert Ríg Caisil (‘The Right of the King of Caiseal / Cashel’), which describes the historic district of Corca Bhaiscinn as extending from Léim Chon Culainn to Clarecastle (#1412543) (‘ó tá Lém Chon Culainn co Clár Átha Dá Chara’). It is interesting to note, then, that even the earliest surviving anglicized sources reflect the name Ceann Léime, for example ‘Can Leame’ on Boazio’s map Irlandiæ accvrata descriptio first published in 1599. Curiously, although the modern English name derives from a translation of this Irish form, it is not *Leap Head as we might anticipate, but rather Loop Head. (We will have to leave discussion of this unexpected English form for another day, though it may not be unconnected with the topic of the remainder of this note.)

Cú Chulainn also features in the names of much smaller features, e.g. the two separate cairns just outside the modern Gaeltacht in Corca Dhuibhne, Co. Kerry, both called Cuchullin’s House / Tigh Chú Chulainn (logainm.ie #101129; #1414794), in which the genitive form Chú Chulainn (hypercorrected to ‘…Conchulain’ by John O’Donovan in the Ordnance Survey Namebooks) implies a much later origin than Léim Chon Culainn. He is also commemorated in a number of names found in early Irish literature, some of which were imaginary and all of which are now defunct. We are told that in Binn Éadair / Howth, Co. Dublin, there was a place called Bern Chon Culaind [Bearn Chon Culainn] “the gap of Cú Chulainn”. In Teamhair / Tara, Co. Meath, there were said to be places called Córus Cind Chonchulainn [Córas Cinn Chon Culainn] “the measure of the head of Cú Chulainn”, Láthrach Scéith Con Chulainn [Láithreach Scéith Chon Culainn] “the site of the shield of Cú Chulainn” and Méide Con Chulainn [Méidhe Chon Culainn] “the (decapitated) neck of Cú Chulainn”! (These places in Tara were right beside Ráth Chonchúir Mhic Neasa, named after the king of Ulster whose service Cú Chulainn joined as a youth, as mentioned in a previous note.) In Cú Chulainn’s old stomping-ground of Co. Louth we are told of Echlasc Ech Con Chulainn [Eachlasc Each Con Culainn] “the horse-shelters of Cú Chulainn” near Dún Dealgan / Dundalk and Grellach Con Chulainn [Greallach Chon Culainn] “the miry place of Cú Chulainn” near Baile Átha Fhirdhia / Ardee. (Ardee has its own tragic connections to Cú Chulainn, of course!) (For these and other references to placenames in Irish literature, see DIAS E-Onomasticon – Donnchadh Ó Corráin’s annotated version of Edmund Hogan’s Onomasticon Goedelicum (1910) – and the essential modern series Foclóir Stairiúil Áitainmneacha na Gaeilge / Historical Dictionary of Gaelic Placenames.).

Returning to Ceann Léime “(the) headland of (the) leap”, we find the same placename repeated at a second location further up the west coast in Co. Galway. This example also has a very unexpected English form, namely Slyne Head (logainm.ie #1165703). Again, we find the reasonably accurate anglicized spelling ‘Can Leame’ both on Boazio’s map (see above) and on another roughly contemporary John Speed’s The Province of Connaught with the City of Galway described (c 1610). One of the earliest Irish attestations is ‘Ceann leime’ (1684) in A Chorographical Description of West or H-Iar Connaught written A.D. 1684 by Roderic O’Flaherty (Ruairí Ó Flaithbheartaigh). It is unclear whether the modern English name Slyne Head is a half-translation of Ceann Léime as *Lem Head, with an intrusive S- giving *Slemhead – note that O’Flaherty gives the English forms ‘Slimhead’ and ‘Slimehead’ (1684) – or whether it is an unconnected name of English origin.

Similarly to Ceann Léime in Co. Clare (formerly called Léim Chon Culainn), this Ceann Léime in Co. Galway was earlier known as Léim Lára “mare’s leap” (see Éamonn Ó Tuathail, ‘Léim Lára’, Éigse VI, pp.155-156; A. B. Taylor, ‘Léim Lára – Ceann Léime’, Éigse IX, pp.30-31). It is remarkable to note that this headland was of such significance to mariners that it appears to be recorded in the Landnámabók – the medieval account of the Viking settlement of Iceland – as Jǫlduhlaup “mare’s leap”. As the first element jalda “mare” seems confined to poetic language, unlike the more common word merr “mare” (see Icelandic English Dictionary, (1962, reprint, Oxford)), Jǫlduhlaup “mare’s leap” appears to have been a carefully made translation. Whatever the case, it is clear that the Old Norse translator of the name had an understanding of Irish.

Of course, this is not the only example of speakers of Old Norse interacting with the Irish placenames they encountered here. The modern English name of Dalkey (logainm.ie #17503) in Co. Dublin is derived from what might be described as an Old Norse calque of the original Irish name Deilginis “thorn-island” in which the Middle Irish elements delg + inis have been replaced by Old Norse dálk + øy. The English name of Ireland’s Eye / Inis Mac Neasáin “the island of the sons of Neasán” (logainm.ie #17542) is from a Norse version of an alternative Irish name for that island, namely Inis Éireann “the island of Éire”, from the female personal name Éire, gen. Éireann (Mid.Ir. Ériu, gen. Érenn). This was incorrectly translated as if it contained a reference to the country-name Éire (see DIAS e-onomasticon s.n. inis érenn). Further examples can be found in Dónall Mac Giolla Easpaig, ‘L’influence Scandinave sur la Toponymie Irlandaise’, in É. Ridel (ed.), L’Héritage Maritime des Vikings en Europe de l’Ouest (Caen, 2002) pp. 441‒82.

These placenames showing Old Norse interaction with Irish placenames are of particular significance in terms of the linguistic history of Ireland, as they provide evidence for a familiarity of the Irish language among the early Vikings. Indeed, given our knowledge of significant Viking settlement in Ireland, it is remarkable that there are so few placenames of unambiguous Norse origin in the country (see Mac Giolla Easpaig, ibid.). It is also striking that with very few exceptions, Old Norse coinages were not adopted by the Irish: for example, the introduction of the new name Veðrafjǫrðr (now Eng. Waterford) had no impact whatsoever on the name Irish-speakers used, which is still to this day Port Láirge. Note that this is in very stark contrast to the situation in the Western Isles of Scotland, where there are countless examples of Norse placenames in gaelicized form.

Furthermore, while Scandinavian placenames in Ireland survive almost exclusively in the English-language stratum, this need not necessarily imply that the names were transmitted directly from Old Norse-speakers to the Anglo-Normans upon their arrival. While there were some vestiges of Norse/Irish bilingualism in Dublin into the 12th century (see Ó Corráin, ‘Old Norse and medieval Irish: bilingualism in Viking-age Dublin’, Dublin and the medieval world (2009), building on the research of Bugge, Nordisk sprog og nordisk nationalitet i Irland (1905)), the weight of the evidence points to widespread gaelicization. (In the earliest records of the Anglo-Normans the vast majority of surnames of Scandinavian origin appear as reflexes of the Irish forms – i.e., Macthorkel rather than Thorkelsson – and many gaelicized forms of Old Norse personal names feature in contemporary placenames of Irish-language origin.) In this context it is salient to note that the only Old Norse placenames the Anglo-Normans themselves adopted were the names of headlands, inlets and islands that would already have been familiar to generations of seafarers through what Ó Corráin called ‘the lingua franca of Ostman sailors and merchants’.

The dearth of Old Norse placenames in Ireland may point to the very early adoption of Irish as the vernacular among Scandinavian settlers in Ireland. But it might also point in the other direction: it could suggest that a significant number of the Vikings arriving in Ireland via Scotland – not only the specific group mentioned in the historical sources as the Gall-Goídil (Mod.Ir. Gall-Ghaeil) “foreign Irish” – already had a knowledge of the Irish language, possibly due to kinship ties with the Gaelic population of that country. Reliable historical evidence from the annals is very scanty, and the analysis of the toponymic evidence is very tricky. We will return to this topic next week.

[Conchubhar Ó Crualaoich & Aindí Mac Giolla Chomhghaill]

The hurling championship, hurls/hurleys, and crooked rivers.
Reanahumana/Ré na hIomána “the level ground of the hurling (the hurling ground)”
(see logainm.ie #
7884)

Date: 08/06/2026

As we enter June - the second month of summer as understood in the traditional Irish calendar - the GAA’s hurling championship has come into full swing, and with it the joys, wonders, sadness and frustration that it brings for so many of us who rarely get to Croke Park on All-Ireland Final day. Given the ancient nature of the game in Ireland it is unsurprising to find many examples of townland names referring to the sport, but the evidence for many of these placenames is ambiguous and other meanings were possibly sometimes originally intended.
In any case, probably the most obvious townland name to refer to hurling is Reanahumana/Ré na hIomána “the level ground of the hurling (the hurling ground)” (logainm.ie #7884) in County Clare. Although there are many English names referring to the game such as Hurlers Cross (logainm.ie #104144), also in County Clare, a crossroads which apparently derives its name from a public house called the Hurlers Inn, at that crossroad, similar placenames of Irish-language origin are by their very nature usually of greater antiquity. As recently as 2008 Art Ó Maolfabhail wrote a short teasing essay with the title 'Teorainneacha, Áthanna agus Iomáin' [“Boundaries, Fords and Hurling”] in the Tipperary Historical Journal (pp 164–174) in which he discusses various placenames in Counties Limerick, Tipperary and Kilkenny that may refer to the game of hurling. Some of the suggested associations with the sport in that article are tentative, but his example of Aughnagomaun/Áth na gComán (logainm.ie #47499) in County Tipperary, for example translated as “ford of the hurlets [sic]” by John O’Donovan in the Ordnance Survey Parish Namebook in 1840, is quite unproblematic. It is possibly fortuitous that O’Donovan - himself a Kilkenny man - chose the old-fashioned word ‘hurlet’ here, thereby avoiding the often heated modern debate as to whether the Irish camán should be called a ‘hurley’ or a ‘hurl’ in English. (One of the current writers who is from Wexford would most certainly call it a ‘hurl’!)
However, a more significant problem which needs to be considered when translating placenames containing camán is that, etymologically, the Irish word can refer to any bent or crooked object or feature, being a derivative of cam (FGB s.v. camán cam). Thus, although by the 1830s Aghacommon/Achadh Camán (#56421) in County Armagh was understood by local Irish speakers to mean ‘field of the hurls’, Dr Pat McKay notes in A Dictionary of Ulster Place-Names that the name probably actually referred ‘to windings in the Closet river, which forms its northern boundary’ (see placenamesni.org s.n. Aghacommon). Similary, John O’Donovan, having stated in the Ordnance Survey Parish Namebook that the name of the Hurley River in County Meath was a translation of 'Camán' [An Camán] (logainm.ie #1166957), pointed out that the original Irish name probably meant “crooked river”. The name possibly refers to the many bends and twists on that river east of the bridge at Rathfeigh.
It is clear that another location named An Camán/Hurley Point (logainm.ie #104145) at Deenish Island on the Shannon in County Clare, refers not to a “crooked river” nor to a real hurl(ey), but to the hurl-like appearace of Deenish itself. This similarity, which has since been obscured by changes in the landscape, is utterly obvious in the outline of the island on the Ordnance Survey 6ʺ map (first edition) - even though the shape is more reminiscent of the larger bossed hurls of the modern era. However, there is no doubt that it is the hurl itself which is referenced in the wonderful minor placename Lios Fear Beag na gCamán/Lisfarbegnagommaun (logainm.ie #1410538) near Corofin in the same county of Clare, albeit in an evocative supernatural context. The name means “the ring-fort of the little hurley-wielding men”, and one local explanation of its origin, recorded in 1939, can be found in the Schools’ Folklore Collection on dúchas.ie

(Conchubhar Ó Crualaoich & Aindí Mac Giolla Chomhghaill)

“basilica”
Baislic / Baslick
(logainm.ie #
2056)

Date: 01/06/2026

As Ireland takes over the presidency of the Council of the European Union on July 1 it may be worth reminding ourselves that the origin of the European Union goes back to the Treaty of Rome, signed in 1957, which created a common market among the six founding members, Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and West Germany. Ireland, Britain and Denmark later joined this European Economic Community (EEC) in 1973. This event can doubtless be viewed as a transformative event for the post-colonial Republic of Ireland which arguably allowed it to emerge economically from an over-reliance on Britain as an export market. Some might also argue that it allowed Ireland to slowly break out of cultural isolation dominated by the anglosphere, although the position of the Irish Language as the vernacular in Irish speaking areas (Gaeltacht) has actually further weakened since our joining the EEC (the percentage of Irish speakers had decreased: see cso.ie), even if legal protections for the language were admirably strengthened significantly by means of the Official Languages Act of 2003.

In any case, Ireland’s associations with Rome, and continental Europe in general, are long and deep since the predominance of Christianity in Ireland with the arrival of Saint Patrick in the 5th century. This, of course, was very much reciprocated by the significant role played by Irish missionary clerics in the reintroduction of Latin learning and Classical culture to much of western Europe subsequent to the collapse of the Roman empire. We need only remind ourselves of locations on the European mainland that have patron saints of Irish origin: Sankt Gallen, Switzerland (see Dictionary of Irish Biography s.n. Gallus (Gall)); Sankt Kilian in Würzburg, Germany (see Dictionary of Irish Biography s.n. Kilian (Cilian)); and the less well-known San Frediano in Lucca, Italy. Even the word for the horsedrawn coaches so ubiquitous in Vienna, der Fiaker, is derived from Saint Fiacrius (Fiachra), an Irish hermit monk who gave his name to Saint Fiacre in Brittany ((see Dictionary of Irish Biography s.n. Fiacre (Fiachra)) ─ he is considered the patron saint of gardeners and taxi-drivers, whence der Fiaker “cab -horse-drawn vehicle” (see leo.org). Then, we have John Scottus Eriugena, one of the more famous Irish theologians of the 9th century who was linked to centres of learning in the area of Reim, Soissons, Laon, and the palace of Charles the Bald at Compiègne who himself became Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire (see Dictionary of Irish Biography s.n. John Scottus Eriugena). That said, there is probably no more famous among the Irish missionaries who headed to mainland Europe than Saint Columbanus (Colmán), the founder of monasteries at numerous locations in France (Luxeuil), Austria (Bregenz) and Italy (Bobbio), among others (see Dictionary of Irish Biography s.n. Columbanus (Colmán, Columba)) .

Be that as it may, the introduction of Christianity to Ireland through the Latin Church brought many loanwords associated with it and its culture into the Irish language. Some of these, such as sagart ‘priest’ (Lat. sacerdos), easpag ‘bishop’ (Lat. episcopus), teampall ‘church’ (Lat. templum) and cill ‘cell, church’ (Lat. cella), are readily recognisable, but others such as that which lies behind the placename Baslick in County Roscommon are much less obvious at first sight. In any case, given the importance of the Treaty of Rome in Ireland’s recent past, and no doubt its future, along with the historical importance of Irish Christian missionaries in early medieval Europe, we will look at some of the Irish placenames that contain references to Rome and Romans, even if they are not particularly numerous.

Kilnarovanagh / Cill na Rómhánach “the church of the Romans” (logainm.ie #23189) northwest of Killarney in County Kerry refers to an ecclesiastical foundation which lay, according to one account, in a ring-fort called ‘Lisnarovanagh’, doubtless from Lios na Rómhánach “the ring-fort of the Romans”, although other locations in the townland have been suggested (see heritagedata.map KE057-051002). A second townland of exactly the same name, Cill na Rómhánach “the church of the Romans” (logainm.ie #11501), is located south of Macroom in County Cork, and this most likely refers to the site of the ancient burial ground recorded here (see heritagedata.map CO083-007). It has been suggested that this placename may reflect adherence of the clerics at that site to the Roman method of calculating Easter rather than that of the native Irish church which originally used a different method (ibid.).

There are no ruins recorded at Roman Island / Oileán na Rómhánach ‘the island of the Romans’ (logainm.ie #37588) next to Westport in County Mayo, and the reason for it name remains a mystery. In the case of Tobernarova / Tobar na Róimhe ‘the well of Rome’ (logainm.ie #1415373) in the townland of Oolahills East the name refers not to Romans, but to the name of the city itself. Little is known of its origin, but it was recorded as a ‘holy well’ in the archaeological inventory (see heritagedata.map LI025-023), and a local tradition of it being a holy well was recorded in the Ordnance Survey Name Book, along with a charming explanation as to the origin of the name:

This little well, which is regarded as sacred by the peasantry, is about 18 inches deep, 12 inches wide at its mouth, and 24 inches wide at the bottom. It is curiously formed by nature in a solid rock, having always a depth of 6 inches of water in it, and it is said that neither the greatest drought nor the heaviest rainfall decreases or fills it. Its formation, as told by the natives is as follows: The family of Oola Castle lacked water and appealed to the Pope, who consecrated a bottle of water for them. The property of this water was that, when poured on the spot where is now the well, a well of excellent water appeared, rendering enough at all times, though not supplied from any other source. The people also affirm that the water of this well cannot be made to boil by any heat. (see ibid.)

In County Roscommon we have Rathnarovanagh / Ráth na Rómhánach “the ring-fort of the Romans” (logainm.ie #43035). This is attested as (genitive) ‘Ratha na Romanach’ in the Annals of Connacht (1248), when ‘Fedlimid mac Cathail Crobdeirg’ gave this townland to the canons of the parish of Kilmore … ‘at the bidding an entreaty of Tadc O Mannachain [Tadhg Ó Manacháin], in honour of Mary and Augustine’. (Fedlimid mac Cathail Crobdeirg do thabairt Ratha na Romanach do chananchaib Cilli Mori … tre impide Taidc h. Mannachan, i n-onoir Mure & Augustin’. It is particularly interesting to note that there are no ecclesiastical remains recorded in this townland, so perhaps it was the dedication to Saint Augustine, a giant of the Latin Church, that gave this townland its name in the first instance. That said, Rathnarovanagh / Ráth na Rómhánach has been equated with defunct Dumha na Rómhánach “the mound of the Romans” (see dias - onomasticon #23282) where the burial of the son of the O’Conor Don was recorded at ‘tempall dúmha na Romhanach’ “the church of Dumha na Rómhánach (‘the mound of the Romans’)” in 1582 (Mac Ui Concobair Duinn .i. Toirrdhelbach mac Diarmada mic Cairbri dég, ocus a adnacal a t-tempall dúmha na Romhanach: ALC ii 1582.24). Should this identification be correct, the reference to “the church of Dumha na Rómhánach” implies that there was indeed a church in Rathnarovanagh / Ráth na Rómhánach right into the late medieval period. Another church with apparent ‘Roman’ associations in the environs of County Roscommon was at ‘Kilnarounanak’ (leg. Kilnaromanak), possibly from Cill na Rómhánach “the church of the Romans”, which was recorded in papal taxation records for the beginning of the 14th century for the diocese of Elphin (Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, 1302-1307, ed. H.S. Sweetman). Unfortunately, its location remains unclear.

Elsewhere in the country we also have ‘Tech na Rómánach’ [Teach na Rómhánach] ‘the (religious) house of the Romans” (see dias-onomasticon) in today’s County Wicklow. This has been tentatively identified with Tigroney / Teach gCróinín (ibid.), but this is extremely doubtful as the evidence for Tigrony (logainm.ie. #55338) is not in keeping with derivation from Teach na Rómhánach.

Remaining on the theme of Rome and Romans, should one be lucky enough to visit Rome, there is little doubt that for many the utterly impressive Saint Peter’s Basilica in the Vatican City leaves an indelible mark in one’s memory. It’s unlikely, however, that many know of our very own basilica here in Ireland. The townland of Baslick / Baislic (logainm.ie #2056) in County Roscommon is an exceptionally rare Irish example of a placename deriving from Latin basilica (OIr. baislec < Latin basilica; see Historical Dictionary of Gaelic Placenames, Facsicle 2 s.v. Baisleac). The ecclesiastical foundation here, long a ruin, was according to Irish literature, very much connected with the Patrician tradition in early Ireland, it being a church of Soicheall, a protégé of Patrick himself (see: P. Ó Riain, A Dictionary of Irish Saints; C. Doherty, ‘The basilica in Early Ireland’, Peritia 3 (1984)). Little remains of this once-important foundation, but it still serves as an incredibly scenic graveyard for the locals.

image

Baslick / Baislic (Photo:© Mary Timoney)

Finally, the Latin word basilica also lies behind one other townland name in Ireland, namely Baslickaun / Baisleacán “little church (basilica)” (logainm.ie # 22209) next to Waterville in County Kerry. Baisleacán is a diminutive form of baisleac (< Lat. basilica) (see Historical Dictionary of Gaelic Placenames, Facsicle 2 s.v.v. Baisleac, Baisleacán). In regard to the basilica in question, that was likely the ecclesiastical remains recorded next to a burial ground, stone cross and possible beehive huts that are located in this townland (see heritagedata.maps KE098-049002/003-5). That said, a local explanation recorded in 1946 states that ‘there is a cave in this townland which in the olden days was called ‘an bhaislic’ or baislica – the only Greek name in Ireland that used be said’. It seems, then, that at least for some the name Baisleacán “little church (basilica)” had transferred from the ancient ecclesiastical site itself to a basilica or grotto-like natural feature in the landscape. Some might say that this reinterpretation somewhat parallels the Treaty of Rome ─ it has morphed from a body which created a common market among the six sovereign founding member states, to one with twenty seven member states, almost unrecognisable from the original.

(Conchubhar Ó Crualaoich & Justin Ó Gliasáin)

Townland names with a sting
Kilnantoge / Coill Neantóige
‘wood of (the) nettle’
(see logainm.ie #
41640)

Date: 01/06/2026

We saw in previous notes how highly the domestic cat was valued in Gaelic Ireland, in the sense that a significant financial penalty was levied for unlawful killing or injury of the animal. Modern cat-lovers will be pleased to know, however, that cats had more than a monetary value in early Irish society, and that some Old and Middle Irish sources even record the names of individual pet cats. The most famous of these is undoubtedly Pangur Bán ‘white Pangur’, who features in a well-known Old Irish poem. (The poem is preserved in the 9th-century Codex Sancti Pauli, now held in Austria and apparently written by an Irish cleric in the abbey of Reichenau near Konstanz on what is now the border of Germany and Switzerland. Cf. Oskamp, Éigse 17 (1978); Toner, Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 57 (2009).) The first quatrain goes as follows:

Messe ocus Pangur bán,                           Myself and white Pangur
cechtar nathar fria ṡaindán;                      each of us at his special craft:
bíth a menma-sam fri seilgg,                     his mind is wont to be on hunting
mu menma céin im ṡaincheirdd.               my own mind on my special craft.

The 16th-century text known as O’Davoren’s Glossary contains explanations of some of the terminology in the early Irish law tracts. Here we find an entry beginning ‘Glasnenta .i. ainm do chat…’ [Glasnenta, i.e., the name of a cat…], which sets out the honour-price of a certain type of cat so called (Stokes 1862: 95). (Fergus Kelly (EIF p.123) takes this to be an extract from the legal tract Catṡlechtae ‘cat-sections’ which we mentioned last week.) The first element of the name is OIr. glas, which referred to a range of colours in the earlier language before becoming the standard Modern Irish word for the colour ‘green’. The editors of the Dictionary of the Irish language suggest that this cat-name should be understood as meaning ‘Nettle-Green’ (eDIL s.v. 2 glas), but Kelly (EIF p.123) suggests ‘nettle-grey’. The text itself explains the name .i. bís fon nglasnenaigh, nó gebar do nenaigh glais .i. don nenntóig “i.e. which is under the green nettle, or which is brought from a green nettle, i.e. from the nettle” (Murray, Celtica 25). In any case, it is the second element of this name, OIr. nenta = Mod. Ir. neanta, a collective noun meaning ‘nettles’, which concerns us this week.

The word neanta – diminutive neantóg, neantán (see FGB s.vv. neanta, neantóg; see also Dinneen s.v. neannta) – occurs in many placenames around the country. It usually found as a qualifying element, as in the townland name Tornant [Upper, Lower] / Tor Neanta ‘tall rock(?) of nettles’ (logainm.ie #54717) in Co. Wicklow. (The precise meaning of the generic element tor is unclear in this name; its various senses in Modern Irish include ‘bush, clump, tuft; tall rock, steep rocky height; tower’ (FGB s.v. 1, 2 tor). Note that the hilltop in Tornant Upper features a standing stone, a megalithic tomb and a stone circle: cf. archaeology.ie WI0-15-039; WI0-15-036; WI0-15-037.) Another Co. Wicklow example is Ballinanty / Baile an Neanta ‘the town(land) of the nettles’ (logainm.ie #55267). There is a Creggananta / Creig an Neanta ‘the rock, crag of the nettles’ (logainm.ie #19383) in Co. Galway. Our colleagues from the Northern Ireland Placenames Project have researched the townland Ballynant (logainm.ie #60183; placenamesni.org) in Co. Fermanagh, and their conclusion is that it derives from Baile an Neanta ‘the town(land) of the nettles’ or Baile Neanta without the article.

Note that the examples just mentioned treat neanta as a masculine noun, gen. an neanta ‘of the nettles (coll.)’. However, neanta is more usually found as a feminine noun in placenames: thus, in Co. Limerick we have Ballynanty / Baile na Neanta ‘the town(land) of the nettles’ (logainm #30825), Cappananty / Ceapach na Neanta ‘the plot of the nettles’ (logainm.ie #30529) and Knockananty / Cnocán na Neanta ‘the hillock of the nettles’ (logainm.ie # 31222). In Co. Galway there is Srahaunananta / Srathán na Neanta ‘the (little) river valley of the nettles’ (logainm.ie #20068) and Cornananta / Corr na Neanta ‘the round hill of the nettles’ (logainm.ie #20361). Further north we have Carrownananta / Ceathrú na Neanta ‘the quarter of the nettles’ (logainm.ie #45027) in Co. Sligo and Derrynananta / Doire na Neanta ‘the (oak-)wood, grove of the nettles’ (logainm.ie #1371793) in Co. Cavan.

There are few examples of the derivatives neantóg and neantán, however. One fairly certain exception is Kilnantoge / Coill Neantóige ‘wood of (the) nettle’ (logainm.ie #41640) in Co. Offaly. And the townland name Nantinan / Neantanán ‘place of nettles’ (logainm.ie #23369) in Co. Kerry gets a mention in Dinneen’s Dictionary (s.v. neanntanán), where he explains it as “a nettle shrubbery”. The same name Nantinan / Neantanán is borne by a civil parish and townland in Co. Limerick (logainm.ie #1584; #32235).

Research has not been completed on Glasnant (logainm.ie #15942) in Co. Donegal, but preliminary work also reflects the presence of neanta ‘nettles’ or a derivative thereof in the Irish precursor. (The similarity to the Old Irish cat-name Glas Nenta mentioned above can safely be presumed to be coincidental!)

It is likely that neanta ‘nettles’ flourished in many locations prior to the introduction of more modern agricultural practices and the 17th-century mania for ‘improvement’ of land (a word that occurs almost 200 times in The Civil Survey, A.D. 1654-1656 ... County Wexford alone!). Apart from referring to its simple prevalence and visibility in the countryside, however, these placenames may also reflect the utility of the nettle in Gaelic society. Early Irish texts refer to the nettle’s use as a seasonal food (EIF p.311), and in the modern era it is also known for medicinal properties. The Schools’ Folklore Collection of the 1930s recorded a Co. Roscommon tradition that drinking three portions of brután neantóg (a type of nettle soup) during the month of March would ward off illness for the rest of the year (BNS 0015.144). A recipe for nettle broth and dumplings was collected in Phibsborough, on the doorstep of Dublin City (BNS 0799.209). But the schoolchildren of Co. Meath went one better, providing a detailed recipe for nettle beer (BNS 0684.238). Many people in Ireland still make nettle soup today. For a twist that is both traditional and modern, you can infuse the neantóg ‘nettle’ with the creamh ‘wild garlic’ – discussed in a previous note – to make a very good pesto.

Conchubhar Ó Crualaoich & Aindí Mac Giolla Chomhghaill

Docks
Coolnagoppoge / Cúil na gCopóg
‘the recess, nook of the docks’
(see logainm.ie #
22482)

Date: 25/05/2026

One of the first Irish-language nursery jingles children learn is Neantóg a dhóigh mé, copóg a leigheas mé (‘It was a nettle that stung me, it was a dock-leaf that cured me!’). Even in the predominantly Anglophone Ireland of today this folk remedy is still well known, and of course it is not restricted to this county. While the scientific basis for the “cure” is questionable to say the least, there is a good chance that the next time you receive a sting from a nettle you will notice – when you’re finished cursing – that the copóg ‘dock-leaf’ is growing at the same spot. Like the nettles it intermixes with, the copóg ‘dock’ is very well represented in townland names, as we will see below.

One noticeable feature is the frequency with which copóg occurs in townland names containing the generic element cúil ‘nook, recess’. The English name Springhill in Co. Tipperary (logainm.ie #47726) is a 19th-century replacement of Cúil na gCopóg ‘the recess, nook of the docks’. This same Irish placename – in the anglicized form Coolnacoppoge – occurs three times in Co. Kerry (logainm.ie #22482; #22828; #22974), with further examples in Cos. Carlow (logainm.ie #3245), Kilkenny (logainm.ie #26563) and Waterford (logainm.ie #50347).

Note that we only have one probable example of Cúil na gCopóg outside Munster and Leinster, in Co. Antrim. Townland names in which copóg occurs with other generic elements show less of a geographical bias. Thus, in the northern half of Ireland we find Lecarrownagappoge / Leithcheathrú na gCopóg ‘the half-quarter (land measure) of the docks’ (logainm.ie #20057) in Co. Galway; Cloonnagoppoge / Cluain na gCopóg (logainm.ie #34810) in Co. Mayo; and two townlands in the Co. Donegal Gaeltacht, namely Mín na gCopóg ‘the level ground of the docks’ (logainm.ie #14432) and Srath na gCopóg ‘the river valley of the docks’ (logainm.ie #14712). (There are two probable examples in Cos. Down and Tyrone.) Further examples are found in the south: Knocknaguppoge / Cnoc na gCopóg ‘the hill of the docks’ (logainm.ie #27031) in Co. Kilkenny; Tooreennaguppoge / Tuairín na gCopóg (logainm.ie #10621) in Co. Cork and Toornagoppoge / Tuar na gCopóg (logainm.ie #49960) and Co. Waterford, which both refer to a ‘bleaching-green’ or ‘lea-field’ (FGB s.v. tuar); and finally – a name which would make any respectable modern farmer shudder – Gorteenaguppoge / Goirtín na gCopóg ‘the (little) field of the docks’ (logainm.ie #8030) in Co. Clare.

Note that the foregoing list is not intended to be exhaustive. Note also that the Placenames Branch bears no responsibility for the medicinal effectiveness of the dock-leaves in any of the places mentioned.

Conchubhar Ó Crualaoich & Aindí Mac Giolla Chomhghaill

The hawthorn in bloom
Knockskemolin/Cnoc Sceiche Moling “the hill of the hawthorn of St.Moling
(see logainm.ie
#53289)

Date: 18/05/2026

An enthralling sight of the Irish countryside in May is the ubiquitous hawthorn in bloom, sometimes called in Irish bláth bán na Bealtaine “the white flower of May” (not to be confused with lus buí Bealtaine “yellow herb of May”, i.e., the marsh-marigold). Just as the blossom of the hawthorn proliferates across the country at this time of year, the Irish name of the tree itself, an sceach (gheal), features in quite an incredible number of townland names — some 200 in total. Aghnaskea/Achadh na Sceach (#33241) in County Longford and Gortnaskeagh/Gort na Sceach in Counties Kerry (#22982) and Leitrim (#29856) both mean “the field of the hawthorns”. The loose translations of Thornhill in County Cork, from Cnoc na Sceach “the hill of the hawthorns” (#8762) and Bushfield in County Laois, from Machaire na Sceach “the plain, field of the hawthorns” (#28712) are interesting given the secondary meaning of sceach “thorn-bush”. Bushypark in County Galway, too, appears to be a translation of Páirc na Sceach “the park of the hawthorns” (#18670), while on the other hand, Bushypark in County Kildare (#25159) seems to be of English origin. Yet another Bushypark, in County Cork, may represent a partial translation of Scairt an Arbha “the thicket of the grain” (#10400), which has nothing to do with the sceach “hawthorn; thorn-bush”.
Two instances of sceach (gen. sg. sceiche) in County Wexford deserve special attention, namely Scaughmolin/Sceach Moling “the hawthorn of Saint Moling” (#54320) and Knockskemolin/Cnoc Sceiche Moling “the hill of the hawthorn of Saint Moling” (#53289), as they belong to a peculiar group The hawthorn in bloom Knockskemolin/Cnoc Sceiche Moling “the hill of the hawthorn of St. Moling” (see logainm.ie #53289) of townland names in that county that specifically link the Irish saint Moling to trees. The other placename in this group is Monamolin/Muine Moling “the thicket of Moling”, which is found as the name of two completely distinct townlands — one near Rathnure north of New Ross (#53556), and the other near Ballycanew south of Gorey (#1411737) (also the name of a civil parish). See the following extract from Logainmneacha na hÉireann IV: Townland Names in Co. Wexford (2016) pp. 1209–1210 (published by An Brainse Logainmneacha/Placenames Branch of [what is now] the Department of Tourism, Culture, Arts, Gaeltacht, Sport and Media):
Moling, bishop of Ferns diocese in the seventh century, is the eponym of the parish names ST. MULLIN'S (par.) and MONAMOLIN (par.), as well as the townlands of MONAMOLIN (par. Templeludigan) and SCAUGHMOLIN (par. Rathaspick). The generic elements sceach “hawthorn” (see de Vál, 1987 p.56) and muine “thicket, brushwood” in these names may originate in the saint’s association with Suibhne Geilt “Suibhne the madman” in Irish literary tradition. Suibhne, driven mad by the terror of battle, resorted to roaming and living wild in trees and hedges. After an encounter with Saint Moling he began to visit his monastery for food each evening after his travels (see ITS xii). This legend seems to have generated the notion of a particular sceach “hawthorn” or muine “thicket”, where Suibhne could sleep, in the environs of Moling’s foundations. Note that Kilnamanagh, the parish in which this townland [Knockskemolin] is located, was also dedicated to Moling (see Culleton, 1999 p.211; cf. RATHASPICK, par.).

(Conchubhar Ó Crualaoich & Aindí Mac Giolla Chomhghaill)

Page 1 of 16 next